Géricault's Portraits of the Insane
After The Raft of the Medusa
At the end of
1821 the leading Romantic painter in France, Théodore Géricault,
returned from a year long stay in England where crowds had flocked to
see his masterpiece The Raft of the Medusa displayed in the
Egyptian Hall in Pall Mall, London. Despite the success of the
exhibition, the French government still refused to buy the painting and
his own prodigious spending meant that he was strapped for cash and in
no position to embark on another ambitious and expensive large scale
project like The Raft. His health too was soon to suffer. On his
return to France, a riding accident led to complications, causing a
tumor to develop on the spine that proved fatal. He died, aged 32, in
January 1824.
Perhaps
the greatest achievement of his last years were his portraits of the
insane. There were ten of them originally. Only five have survived:
A Man Suffering from Delusions of Military Command;
A Kleptomaniac; A Woman Suffering from Obsessive Envy;
A Woman Addicted to Gambling and A Child Snatcher.
No
information is available for those that have been lost. According to
the artist’s first biographer, Charles Clément, Géricault painted them
after returning from England for Étienne-Jean Georget (1795-1828), the
chief physician of the Salpêtrière, the women’s asylum in Paris. The
paintings were certainly in Georget’s possession when he died.
Théodore Géricault, Portait of a Woman Suffering from Obsessive Envy (The Hyena), 1822, oil on canvas, 72 x 58 cm (Musée des Beaux-Arts, Lyons)
Three Theories for the Commission
How
the two men met is not known for sure. Possibly Georget treated
Géricault as a patient, or perhaps they met in the Beaujon Hospital,
from whose morgue Géricault had taken home dissected limbs to serve as
studies for his figures in The Raft. What is more debated though,
is Georget’s role in the production of the paintings. There are three
main theories. The first two link the portraits to the psychological
toll taken out of Géricault whilst producing his great masterpiece and
the nervous breakdown he is believed to have suffered in the autumn
following its completion in 1819. The first theory runs that Georget
helped him to recover from this episode and that the portraits were
produced for and given to the doctor as a gesture of thanks; the second
puts forward that Georget, as the artist’s physician, encouraged
Géricault to paint them as an early form of art therapy; and the third
is that Géricault painted them for Georget after his return from England
to assist his studies in mental illness.
It is this
last that is generally held to be the most likely. Stylistically, they
belong to the period after his stay in England, two years after his
breakdown. Also, the unified nature of the series, in terms of their
scale, composition and color scheme suggest a clearly defined
commission, while the medical concept of “monomania” shapes the whole
design.
Early Modern Psychiatry
A
key figure in early modern psychiatry in France was
Jean-Etienne-Dominique Esquirol (1772-184), whose main area of interest
was “monomania,” a term no longer in clinical use, which described a
particular fixation leading sufferers to exhibit delusional behavior,
imagining themselves to be a king, for example. Esquirol, who shared a
house with his friend and protégé Georget, was a great believer in the
now largely discredited science of physiognomy, holding that physical
appearances could be used to diagnose mental disorders. With this in
mind, he had over 200 drawings made of his patients, a group of which,
executed by Georges-Francoise Gabriel, were exhibited at the Salon of
1814. As an exhibitor himself that year, it seems highly likely
that Géricault would have seen them there.
Théodore Géricault, Portrait of a Man Suffering from Delusions of Military Command, 1822, oil on canvas, 81 x 65 cm (Sammlung Oskar Reinhart, Winterhur)
Georget’s
work developed on Esquirol’s. An Enlightenment figure, he rejected
moral or theological explanations for mental illness, seeing insanity,
neither as the workings of the devil nor as the outcome of moral
decrepitude, but as an organic affliction, one that, like any other
disease, can be identified by observable physical symptoms. In his book On Madness, published in 1820, following Esquirol, he turns to physiognomy to support this theory,
In
general the idiot’s face is stupid, without meaning; the face of the
manic patient is as agitated as his spirit, often distorted and cramped;
the moron’s facial characteristics are dejected and without expression;
the facial characteristics of the melancholic are pinched, marked by
pain or extreme agitation; the monomaniacal king has a proud, inflated
expression; the religious fanatic is mild, he exhorts by casting his
eyes at the heavens or fixing them on the earth; the anxious patient
pleads, glancing sideways, etc.
The
clumsy language here—“the idiot’s face is stupid”—seems a world away
from Géricault’s extraordinarily sensitive paintings, a point that begs
the question whether Géricault was doing more than simply following the
good doctor’s orders in producing the series, but instead making his own
independent enquiries.
Géricault
had many reasons to be interested in psychiatry, starting with his own
family: his grandfather and one of his uncles had died insane. His
experiences while painting
The Raft must also have left their
mark. The Medusa’s surgeon, J.B. Henry Savigny, at the time Géricault
interviewed him, was writing an account of the psychological impact the
experience had had on his fellow passengers and, of course, there was
Géricault’s own mental breakdown in 1819. It seems only natural then
that he would be drawn to this new and exciting area of scientific
study.
Théodore Géricault, Portait of a Woman Suffering from Obsessive Envy (The Hyena), 1822, oil on canvas, 72 x 58 cm (Musée des Beaux-Arts, Lyons)
Alternatively,
some critics argue that Géricault’s work is a propaganda exercise for
Georget, designed to demonstrate the importance of psychiatrists in
detecting signs of mental illness. In their very subtleties they show
just how difficult this can be, requiring a trained eye such as
Georget’s to come to the correct diagnosis. According to Albert Boime,
the paintings were also used to demonstrate the curative effects of
psychiatric treatment. If the five missing paintings were ever found, he
argues, they would depict the same characters—but after
treatment—showing their improved state, much like ‘before and after’
photographs in modern day advertising.
This,
of course, is impossible to prove or disprove. What is more challenging
is Boime’s general criticisms of early psychiatry which, he argues, by
classifying, containing and observing people was effective only in
silencing the voices of the mentally ill, rendering them invisible and
therefore subject to abuse. The fact that the sitters of the paintings
are given no names, but are defined only by their illnesses would seem
to confirm this view and, for that reason, many modern viewers of the
paintings do feel disconcerted when looking at them.
The Portraits
The
five surviving portraits are bust length and in front view, without
hands. The canvases vary in dimensions but the heads are all close to
life-size. The viewpoint is at eye level for the three men but from
above for the women, indicating that the paintings were executed in
different places. It seems likely that the women were painted in the
women’s hospital Salpêtrière, while the men were selected from among the
inmates of Charenton and Bicȇtre.
None of the
sitters is named; they are identified by their malady. None look
directly at the viewer, contributing to an uneasy sense of
distractedness in their gazes that can be read as stillness, as though
they are lost in their own thoughts, or as disconnectedness from the
process in which they are involved. These are not patrons and have had
no say in how they are depicted.
Théodore Géricault, Portrait of a Kleptomaniac, 1822, oil on canvas, 61 x 50 cm (Museum of Fine Arts, Ghent)
Each
is shown in three-quarter profile, some to the left, some to the right.
The pose is typical of formal, honorific portraits, effecting a
restrained composition that does not make it apparent that they are
confined in asylums. There is no evidence of the setting in the
backgrounds either, which are cast in shadow, as are most of their
bodies, drawing the focus largely on their faces. The dark coloring
creates a sombre atmosphere, evocative of brooding introspection. Their
clothing lends them a degree of personal dignity, giving no indication
as to the nature of their conditions, the one exception being the man
suffering from delusions of military grandeur who wears a medallion on
his chest, a tasseled hat and a cloak over one shoulder, which point to
his delusions. The medallion has no shine to it and the string that it
hangs from looks makeshift and worn.
The
paintings were executed with great speed, entirely from life and
probably in one sitting. Critics often remark on the painterly quality
of the work, the extraordinary fluency of brushwork, in contrast with
Géricault’s early more sculptural style, suggesting that the erratic
brushwork is used to mirror the disordered thoughts of the patients. In
places it is applied in almost translucent layers, while in others it is
thicker creating highly expressive contrasts in textures.
Théodore Géricault, Portait of a Child Snatcher, 1822, oil on canvas, 65 x 54 cm (Museum of Fine Arts, Springfield, Massachusets)
Romantic Scientists
What
perhaps strikes one most about the portraits is the extraordinary
empathy we are made to feel for these poor souls, who might not strike
us immediately as insane, but who certainly exhibit outward signs of
inward suffering.
In
bringing the sensitivity of a great artist to assist scientific enquiry
Géricault was not alone among Romantic painters. John Constable’s cloud
studies, for example, were exactly contemporary with the portraits and
provide an interesting parallel. Both artists capture brilliantly the
fleeting moment, the shifting movements in Constable’s cumulus, stratus,
cirrus and nimbus, in Géricault the complex play of emotions on the
faces of the insane. Not since the Renaissance has art illustrated so
beautifully the concerns of the scientific domain; in Géricault’s case
teaching those early psychiatrists, we might be tempted to think, to
look on their patients with a more human gaze.
John Constable, Cloud Study, 1822, oil on paper laid on board, 47.6 x 57.5 cm (Tate Britain)
Text by Ben Pollitt